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Your current browser may not support copying via this button. Social Sciences. Cultural Studies. Table of Contents. This is not how the argument will proceed here. Instead I want to demonstrate that these activities are premised on a certain political logic, on certain theoretical premises that are combined and articulated in a very particular way. In this regard, I do not want simply to describe certain empirical processes and to reach conclusions. Now, in excavating this discursive mechanism we need be clear what is meant here by National Sovereignty.
It is important, therefore, that we enter a conceptual distinction. It concerns the difference between National and State Sovereignty. Now, I do not intend State Sovereignty. If the latter refers to processes and mechanisms that grant state institutions effectiveness on the ground, that is, enable them to govern, National Sovereignty refers to the control of state institutions by authentic representatives of the Nation. In this regard I will make the following claims:.
The hypothesis above does not speak to the relationship between the State and citizens, to rights and so on. It is not a question here of access to the political community who is a South African citizen?
An Authentic National Community is merely that group deemed the veritable bearer of the national mission; whatever it may be. In other words, a distinction must be entered between a citizen and an authentic national subject. So, even if citizenship is founded on principles of human rights, equality and so on, Nation-Building would have us say that there are those amongst the citizens who more authentically bear the national mission than others.
What we are discussing here, essentially, is the nature of legitimate authority. Who, in other words is a legitimate bearer of state power in the nation? This is how I want to discuss the notion of Blackness. To capture the full force of the change that is upon us, it is useful briefly to discuss Blackness as defined in and through the politics of Black Consciousness and National Democratic Revolution respectively.
It is to this that I now turn. And their response was that it was a certain kind of experience, and in particular a peculiar type of suffering:. So how can we as black people be different from one another? Or rather, what was the nature of this suffering? Black Consciousness thus emphasised the positive elements of African history and culture as a condition of psychological synthesis and political re-awakening.
Now, if Blacks suffered, not simply exploitation and oppression, but from a peculiar form of psychic alienation, then a struggle against racist institutions and practices could never be enough for Black Liberation.
What was needed, in addition, was a politics of psychological self-affirmation. Now, if Black Liberation was simply about freedom from a host of material conditions exploitation, institutional racism and so on then such a politics did not necessarily exclude alliances with other groups interested in the same or similar things Communists, Liberals, religious groups. The moment it was conceived as a kind of therapy, a cure for alienation, it excluded such alliances.
It required that Blacks were the unique authors of their freedom as a condition of psychic health. In this regard, Steve Biko ibid. They argue that in order to oppose it we have to form non-racial groups… For the liberals, the thesis is apartheid, the anti-thesis is non-racialism… Black Consciousness defines the situation differently. The dialectical principles were premised on a notion of white homogeneity that required their negative: black unity. If this implied, however, that these political interests in liberation, etc.
This was the implicit vacillation at the heart of Black Consciousness. The moment Black Consciousness directed political action to the institutions of White racism, it hesitated before cultural programmes intending psychological affirmation. This was manifest in its failure to build durable political organisations. When Black Consciousness activists did engage workers they tended to stress leadership, recreational programmes, black dignity and so on.
Conspicuously absent from their early rhetoric were the notions of class and exploitation. Black Consciousness thus resonated less and less with the growing tide of trade-unionism after , informed as it was by various readings of Marx and Lenin.
Now, before continuing let us note what was the measure of Black Consciousness politics: freedom was, in the first place, the degree to which racial oppression was defeated as the elementary condition of Black psychic health.
But such an understanding of apartheid was never coupled to a concept of the post-apartheid state. What was not theorised, in other words, was Black Liberation as a state project; that is, as a politics intending a certain kind of Black state. Indeed, it was precisely this lacunae both theoretical and political that allowed some rapprochement between Black Consciousness as a politics, if not as a movement and the politics of National Democratic Revolution.
Without its own concept of state, Black Consciousness was often especially within the ANC , and still is, invoked to animate National Democratic Revolution.
After all, the latter seemed to address the first condition of Black Liberation: the end of apartheid. This point has been made by Xolela Mangcu, though in a different context. Hence his concern that as much emphasis should be on cultural centres, theatres and so on, in transforming the apartheid urban form, as on services and housing.
In effect, he suggests, the current politics of redress is premised on a mistaken reading of what apartheid was and, therefore, of how to deal with its legacy. Black Liberation was not a question of bricks and mortar! All that they had in common ultimately, National Democratic Revolution and Black Consciousness, was a common interest in the defeat of apartheid.
What else could it be? It is a bit discouraging and sad, but I still have hopes for Sublime Text. Could someone substantiate those claims? Well, I read somewhere that Jon is a space alien determined to conquer Earth by getting all the programmers in the world to rely on his editor, then triggering a secret switch that will instantly disable it, destroying the software industry. I have it on good authority from my Uncle Bob that the government is using Sublime to keep tabs on us…true story….
Pretty sad to see that some posts are removed. Whoever does the forum moderation: not cool man, not cool. When posts get removed, I just look crazy unless you see the context of the reply…. I do moderation here quite a bit.
My most common action is to delete the spam topics that pop up pretty regularly. He keeps posting the same thing over and over again, even though he has already gotten responses before. I have told him his pattern of behavior is not welcome here, yet he persists to do so. I will continue to delete posts from this user until his behavior changes.
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